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Chapter 48 – Nanjing Incident (2)

“That’s right. But thank you for the valuable information. It’s true that right now, among the younger and mid-ranking officers in the army, as well as some right-wing and left-wing elements among the public, there are quite a few who are starting to behave strangely.

I’ve had some juniors who are oddly good at gathering that kind of information collect reports for me. I’ve been consulting with some higher-ups and, if possible, trying to warn them… but when it comes to the Kwantung Army, that’s out of my reach.”

My older brother lightly crosses his arms as he finishes speaking.
He’s a person who’s too smart, so he’s probably already thinking of countermeasures even as a simulation.

But to me, there was something in his words I couldn’t ignore.

(Those juniors… that’s definitely Nishida Mitsugi, right? Who else would be working so closely under my brother? Onii-sama, you’re not doing anything dangerous, are you?)

Apparently, my concern showed on my face, because my brother gave me a smile so gentle I almost died from how sweet it was.

“Reiko, I’m not doing anything dangerous or anything that would violate military discipline, so don’t worry. All I’m doing is showing the right way, the proper path.”

“It’s still okay as long as that’s enough to keep things in check. By the way, in your dream, Reiko, when is Zhang Zuolin killed? Also, just out of personal interest, what’s the method?”

My father-grandfather adds a note of concern, but he still looks like he’s enjoying himself.

(Even if you hadn’t asked, you probably already had a good idea, right? Well, the historical turning point has already shifted, so honestly, there’s no problem in speaking frankly.)

“Um, the assassination happened on June 4, 1928. The method is—his train is blown up while he’s fleeing from Beijing to Manchuria.”

“Assassinated by bombing, huh! Blowing up the whole train, now that’s bold. I kind of wish I could’ve seen it.”

“That’s inappropriate.”

“But don’t you think it’s a rather fitting signal fire for the coming age of chaos?”

“I’d rather not have an age of chaos, thank you.”

Tatsuya-oniisama is righteous through and through.

As for me, I want to help support his ideals as much as possible.
Though before that, I need to make sure the Ootori conglomerate and I don’t get destroyed.

While we were having such a conversation at the Ootori estate, the actual government—headed not so much by the Seiyukai cabinet as by Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi, who had just recently shifted from being a military officer to a politician—made decisions at lightning speed.

The Japanese government immediately deployed additional naval landing forces from Sasebo by cabinet decision.
The next day, several warships were additionally dispatched to Shanghai and Nanjing.

Since Britain and the United States had also already reinforced their local forces for the protection of their citizens, the situation had effectively turned into a coalition force.

Had a full-scale clash occurred here, it probably would have ended up looking a lot like the Boxer Rebellion during the Qing dynasty.

Even so, a day later, just as in historical fact, Chiang Kai-shek tried to suppress the actions of the National Revolutionary Army in Nanjing but failed to do so.

In particular, the Communist Party had already mobilized mobs before this movement, and their actions became uncontrollable.
Some members of the Communist Party and the left wing of the Kuomintang joined in as well.

And since this group couldn’t even be properly called an army—being no different from mobs or bandits—what they did was predictable. 

Or rather, not just one thing. 

They looted, burned, and killed—the worst trio that has been repeated throughout thousands of years of history.

Moreover, with the advance of the Northern Expedition, the military forces of the Beiyang Government had fled, so while Shanghai still had some protection, the foreign concessions in Nanjing were completely defenseless.
This became the main reason Japan sent additional naval landing forces.

Even if consular staff fled, it was impossible for everyone in the concessions to escape to safety.
Some foreigners also became casualties.

Naturally, Britain, the United States, and Japan were furious.
Reports came in that fighting broke out mainly in Nanjing, and naval bombardment was carried out from warships floating on the Yangtze River.

Even if they were mostly small warships, seeing Japanese, American, and British ships lined up and firing naval guns is not something you’d witness often.

And despite being just naval landing forces, they were still regular troops.
There was no way the contemporary Chinese forces could stand up to them.

Most of the Communist forces in Nanjing were little more than mobs, aside from a few instigators.
Many were simply civilians.

So at the mere sight of the regular troops from the great powers, they fled, and when naval bombardment began, even the Communist Party itself fled from the city.

However, since their numbers were large, the great powers, after restoring order in the concessions and their respective zones of influence, tried to make Chiang Kai-shek—who had entered Nanjing—take responsibility and resolve the situation.

Chiang Kai-shek also tried to get the situation under control for his own benefit, but there was no way to control mobs that had been stirred up and mobilized through agitation.
On top of that, the dominant left wing of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party pressured him, saying that now was the time to enact “anti-foreign” measures and drive out foreign powers.

Really, it was no different from the Boxer Rebellion.

And the outcome was similarly disastrous.

Since Japan, the closest neighboring country, had deployed the most troops, the other powers—more or less going along with it—insisted that Japan take the lead.
As a result, Japan, Britain, France, the United States, and even Italy, which had only a small presence in the Shanghai concession, all presented a united front and issued an ultimatum to the Kuomintang: “We will not hesitate to go to war.”

Yeah.
Italy just holed up in the Shanghai concession and still got to join in—how sneaky.

Then, under pressure from both inside and outside, Chiang Kai-shek, faced with the de facto allied fleet pointing their guns from the Yangtze River, fully accepted all the terms and issued a complete apology.

Meanwhile, since Chiang Kai-shek, who had yielded to the foreign powers, would never be forgiven by the various Chinese factions and the public who were already awakening to nationalism, he took responsibility by resigning as commander of the Kuomintang army and stepping down.
His subsequent exile was part of the package—this kind of stubbornness is typical of Chiang Kai-shek.

The Kuomintang itself remained allied with the Communist Party, and the left-wing Wang Jingwei (Wang Zhaoming) rose to the top.

With Chiang Kai-shek stepping down, aside from the execution on the spot of a few low-ranking perpetrators promised by Chiang, the treatment of those involved in the incident was largely superficial.

As for reparations, since the Republic of China didn’t have money to pay, the only option was to add it on top of the debts inherited from the Qing dynasty.

Meanwhile, the Kuomintang did not split, and the Communist Party also remained uneasy allies.
Except for a few who stepped down or left, the remaining right-wing faction, though deeply dissatisfied, turned the Kuomintang somewhat left-leaning.

Naturally, the foreign powers strongly insisted on protecting their interests centered on the concessions along the Yangtze River (Shanghai, Nanjing, Wuhan), but they increasingly lost trust.

After all, the Kuomintang was cozying up with the Communists.
The great powers feared the worst—that the entire Kuomintang might become Communist.

Inevitably, Zhang Zuolin, the grand marshal who was acting arrogantly in Beijing despite doing nothing, laughed foolishly at this windfall victory.
The foreign powers centered on Japan continued to support Zhang Zuolin to secure their interests in North China.

Zhang Zuolin received financial support from the great powers and made a reasonable effort to maintain public order, but he steered strongly toward expanding his influence.

Even so, a quick recapture of Nanjing, which had once been lost, seemed unlikely.
After calm analysis, it appeared the Kuomintang and the National Revolutionary Army, plagued by internal discord and conflict, had little chance of victory.

(This means the “Zhang Zuolin assassination by bombing” flag never fully formed. Huh? Since there wasn’t much change in the continental situation, maybe there was no real need to hold the “Eastern Conference” at all?)

That was my impression once the incident settled, but later I heard the Tanaka Cabinet didn’t really discuss any major changes to foreign policy.

I personally had no such intention, but one change—an early cabinet reshuffle—unexpectedly caused a shift in history.

Thanks to that, the sound of marching boots seemed to fade somewhat within Japan, but we still have to watch the course of history carefully.

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Naval Infantry

Following European traditions and customs, small overseas coastal colonies and concessions were typically guarded in peacetime and during minor skirmishes by naval land combat units—naval infantry or marines.
At that time, naval infantry or marines from various great powers were permanently stationed in Shanghai.

Eastern Conference

The “China Policy Outline” decided by this conference was announced and notified to the concerned countries.
A document said to have been submitted by Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi to the Emperor based on the Eastern Conference’s decisions was later exposed by the Chinese side in the same year. 

Since its content matched Japan’s subsequent invasion of China, it became an important document proving Japan’s aggressiveness. 

However, its credibility is now questioned.
Apparently.